U.S. Crewed

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The first time I heard this term, I thought the person was saying "U.S. crude." The discussion, however, was related to the Quadrennial Energy Review and the topic was moving energy around the United States. A water transportation expert was explaining the implications of the Jones Act for a major disruption of energy supplies to or within the United States. The Jones Act requires that shipments between U.S. ports must be carried out by ships built in America, owned by Americans, and operated by Americans (hence, "U.S. crewed").  It was a response to the success of German U-boats in World War I.

The merits of this nearly century-old protectionist law—the Merchant Marine Act of 1920, also know as the Jones Act—are debatable. The typical costs are marginally more expensive water transport costs. When a crisis happens, however, it can hinder recovery because there are not enough U.S. Jones Act ships to handle the kind of surge requirements that occur after an emergency like the one Puerto Rico is facing today.

This measure has, on occasion, affected deliveries of propane, LNG, and other energy supplies between U.S. ports. It has also increased the cost of energy in Hawaii and Alaska for a long time. The Jones Act was even applicable to options for getting crude oil and natural gas out of Prudhoe Bay on Alaska's North Slope. When Congress prohibited the export of these energy supplies to other nations, even our allies, they were also sentencing Alaska to shipping via Jones Act vessels to U.S. ports. These higher costs caused significantly lower netback values for the oil in Alaska. This not only hurt the big oil companies that owned the production. It also hurt the state and citizens of Alaska, who participated in the value via significant royalty payments.

The President deserves credit for temporarily suspending this regulation for Puerto Rico. Prior suspensions have been rare. The pressures to always honor this act are intense, especially given the weak state of U.S. shipbuilding.

The debate about the merits of the Jones Act can remain for another day. Today, enhancing the response to Puerto Rico's emergency makes sense. If suspension will get critical supplies to those in need faster than otherwise, then let's go for it.

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The first time I heard this term, I thought the person was saying "U.S. crude." The discussion, however, was related to the Quadrennial Energy Review and the topic was moving energy around the United States. A water transportation expert was explaining the implications of the Jones Act for a major disruption of energy supplies to or within the United States. The Jones Act requires that shipments between U.S. ports must be carried out by ships built in America, owned by Americans, and operated by Americans (hence, "U.S. crewed").  It was a response to the success of German U-boats in World War I.

The merits of this nearly century-old protectionist law—the Merchant Marine Act of 1920, also know as the Jones Act—are debatable. The typical costs are marginally more expensive water transport costs. When a crisis happens, however, it can hinder recovery because there are not enough U.S. Jones Act ships to handle the kind of surge requirements that occur after an emergency like the one Puerto Rico is facing today.

This measure has, on occasion, affected deliveries of propane, LNG, and other energy supplies between U.S. ports. It has also increased the cost of energy in Hawaii and Alaska for a long time. The Jones Act was even applicable to options for getting crude oil and natural gas out of Prudhoe Bay on Alaska's North Slope. When Congress prohibited the export of these energy supplies to other nations, even our allies, they were also sentencing Alaska to shipping via Jones Act vessels to U.S. ports. These higher costs caused significantly lower netback values for the oil in Alaska. This not only hurt the big oil companies that owned the production. It also hurt the state and citizens of Alaska, who participated in the value via significant royalty payments.

The President deserves credit for temporarily suspending this regulation for Puerto Rico. Prior suspensions have been rare. The pressures to always honor this act are intense, especially given the weak state of U.S. shipbuilding.

The debate about the merits of the Jones Act can remain for another day. Today, enhancing the response to Puerto Rico's emergency makes sense. If suspension will get critical supplies to those in need faster than otherwise, then let's go for it.

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William Hederman is an independent senior advisor at Deloitte and Touche. He most recently served as senior advisor to U.S. Secretary of Energy Ernest Moniz, providing leadership on Department of Energy (DOE) missions to Ukraine, the Baltics, and Germany. In this position, he was also the chief architect for the analytic framework developed for DOE's groundbreaking Quadrennial Energy Review. 

Hederman began his professional career as a systems integration engineer at Bell Labs in the directorate that later developed the cell phone system. He served on the RAND Corporation's research team, worked as the Congressional Budget Office's first energy and science budget analyst, and led the establishment of: the policy analysis department at INGAA (pipeline association), the International Energy Agency's gas technology center, and the Washington office for RJ Rudden Associates (now Black & Veatch). Additionally, he was vice president for Business Development and Strategic Initiatives at Columbia Transmission Companies on the management team that brought Columbia out of bankruptcy. During the Enron and California crises, he joined the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and formed the Office of Market Oversight and Investigations, which has been credited with playing a major role in the restoration of confidence in electricity and natural gas regulatory oversight.

Hederman holds engineering degrees from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of Notre Dame, and a professional degree (M.P.P.) from the University of California at Berkeley.

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William Hederman is an independent senior advisor at Deloitte and Touche. He most recently served as senior advisor to U.S. Secretary of Energy Ernest Moniz, providing leadership on Department of Energy (DOE) missions to Ukraine, the Baltics, and Germany. In this position, he was also the chief architect for the analytic framework developed for DOE's groundbreaking Quadrennial Energy Review. 

Hederman began his professional career as a systems integration engineer at Bell Labs in the directorate that later developed the cell phone system. He served on the RAND Corporation's research team, worked as the Congressional Budget Office's first energy and science budget analyst, and led the establishment of: the policy analysis department at INGAA (pipeline association), the International Energy Agency's gas technology center, and the Washington office for RJ Rudden Associates (now Black & Veatch). Additionally, he was vice president for Business Development and Strategic Initiatives at Columbia Transmission Companies on the management team that brought Columbia out of bankruptcy. During the Enron and California crises, he joined the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and formed the Office of Market Oversight and Investigations, which has been credited with playing a major role in the restoration of confidence in electricity and natural gas regulatory oversight.

Hederman holds engineering degrees from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of Notre Dame, and a professional degree (M.P.P.) from the University of California at Berkeley.

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William Hederman is an independent senior advisor at Deloitte and Touche. He most recently served as senior advisor to U.S. Secretary of Energy Ernest Moniz, providing leadership on Department of Energy (DOE) missions to Ukraine, the Baltics, and Germany. In this position, he was also the chief architect for the analytic framework developed for DOE's groundbreaking Quadrennial Energy Review. 

Hederman began his professional career as a systems integration engineer at Bell Labs in the directorate that later developed the cell phone system. He served on the RAND Corporation's research team, worked as the Congressional Budget Office's first energy and science budget analyst, and led the establishment of: the policy analysis department at INGAA (pipeline association), the International Energy Agency's gas technology center, and the Washington office for RJ Rudden Associates (now Black & Veatch). Additionally, he was vice president for Business Development and Strategic Initiatives at Columbia Transmission Companies on the management team that brought Columbia out of bankruptcy. During the Enron and California crises, he joined the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and formed the Office of Market Oversight and Investigations, which has been credited with playing a major role in the restoration of confidence in electricity and natural gas regulatory oversight.

Hederman holds engineering degrees from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of Notre Dame, and a professional degree (M.P.P.) from the University of California at Berkeley.

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William Hederman is an independent senior advisor at Deloitte and Touche. He most recently served as senior advisor to U.S. Secretary of Energy Ernest Moniz, providing leadership on Department of Energy (DOE) missions to Ukraine, the Baltics, and Germany. In this position, he was also the chief architect for the analytic framework developed for DOE's groundbreaking Quadrennial Energy Review. 

Hederman began his professional career as a systems integration engineer at Bell Labs in the directorate that later developed the cell phone system. He served on the RAND Corporation's research team, worked as the Congressional Budget Office's first energy and science budget analyst, and led the establishment of: the policy analysis department at INGAA (pipeline association), the International Energy Agency's gas technology center, and the Washington office for RJ Rudden Associates (now Black & Veatch). Additionally, he was vice president for Business Development and Strategic Initiatives at Columbia Transmission Companies on the management team that brought Columbia out of bankruptcy. During the Enron and California crises, he joined the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and formed the Office of Market Oversight and Investigations, which has been credited with playing a major role in the restoration of confidence in electricity and natural gas regulatory oversight.

Hederman holds engineering degrees from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of Notre Dame, and a professional degree (M.P.P.) from the University of California at Berkeley.

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William Hederman is an independent senior advisor at Deloitte and Touche. He most recently served as senior advisor to U.S. Secretary of Energy Ernest Moniz, providing leadership on Department of Energy (DOE) missions to Ukraine, the Baltics, and Germany. In this position, he was also the chief architect for the analytic framework developed for DOE's groundbreaking Quadrennial Energy Review. 

Hederman began his professional career as a systems integration engineer at Bell Labs in the directorate that later developed the cell phone system. He served on the RAND Corporation's research team, worked as the Congressional Budget Office's first energy and science budget analyst, and led the establishment of: the policy analysis department at INGAA (pipeline association), the International Energy Agency's gas technology center, and the Washington office for RJ Rudden Associates (now Black & Veatch). Additionally, he was vice president for Business Development and Strategic Initiatives at Columbia Transmission Companies on the management team that brought Columbia out of bankruptcy. During the Enron and California crises, he joined the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and formed the Office of Market Oversight and Investigations, which has been credited with playing a major role in the restoration of confidence in electricity and natural gas regulatory oversight.

Hederman holds engineering degrees from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of Notre Dame, and a professional degree (M.P.P.) from the University of California at Berkeley.

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William Hederman is an independent senior advisor at Deloitte and Touche. He most recently served as senior advisor to U.S. Secretary of Energy Ernest Moniz, providing leadership on Department of Energy (DOE) missions to Ukraine, the Baltics, and Germany. In this position, he was also the chief architect for the analytic framework developed for DOE's groundbreaking Quadrennial Energy Review. 

Hederman began his professional career as a systems integration engineer at Bell Labs in the directorate that later developed the cell phone system. He served on the RAND Corporation's research team, worked as the Congressional Budget Office's first energy and science budget analyst, and led the establishment of: the policy analysis department at INGAA (pipeline association), the International Energy Agency's gas technology center, and the Washington office for RJ Rudden Associates (now Black & Veatch). Additionally, he was vice president for Business Development and Strategic Initiatives at Columbia Transmission Companies on the management team that brought Columbia out of bankruptcy. During the Enron and California crises, he joined the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and formed the Office of Market Oversight and Investigations, which has been credited with playing a major role in the restoration of confidence in electricity and natural gas regulatory oversight.

Hederman holds engineering degrees from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of Notre Dame, and a professional degree (M.P.P.) from the University of California at Berkeley.

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William Hederman is an independent senior advisor at Deloitte and Touche. He most recently served as senior advisor to U.S. Secretary of Energy Ernest Moniz, providing leadership on Department of Energy (DOE) missions to Ukraine, the Baltics, and Germany. In this position, he was also the chief architect for the analytic framework developed for DOE's groundbreaking Quadrennial Energy Review. 

Hederman began his professional career as a systems integration engineer at Bell Labs in the directorate that later developed the cell phone system. He served on the RAND Corporation's research team, worked as the Congressional Budget Office's first energy and science budget analyst, and led the establishment of: the policy analysis department at INGAA (pipeline association), the International Energy Agency's gas technology center, and the Washington office for RJ Rudden Associates (now Black & Veatch). Additionally, he was vice president for Business Development and Strategic Initiatives at Columbia Transmission Companies on the management team that brought Columbia out of bankruptcy. During the Enron and California crises, he joined the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and formed the Office of Market Oversight and Investigations, which has been credited with playing a major role in the restoration of confidence in electricity and natural gas regulatory oversight.

Hederman holds engineering degrees from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of Notre Dame, and a professional degree (M.P.P.) from the University of California at Berkeley.

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William Hederman is an independent senior advisor at Deloitte and Touche. He most recently served as senior advisor to U.S. Secretary of Energy Ernest Moniz, providing leadership on Department of Energy (DOE) missions to Ukraine, the Baltics, and Germany. In this position, he was also the chief architect for the analytic framework developed for DOE's groundbreaking Quadrennial Energy Review. 

Hederman began his professional career as a systems integration engineer at Bell Labs in the directorate that later developed the cell phone system. He served on the RAND Corporation's research team, worked as the Congressional Budget Office's first energy and science budget analyst, and led the establishment of: the policy analysis department at INGAA (pipeline association), the International Energy Agency's gas technology center, and the Washington office for RJ Rudden Associates (now Black & Veatch). Additionally, he was vice president for Business Development and Strategic Initiatives at Columbia Transmission Companies on the management team that brought Columbia out of bankruptcy. During the Enron and California crises, he joined the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and formed the Office of Market Oversight and Investigations, which has been credited with playing a major role in the restoration of confidence in electricity and natural gas regulatory oversight.

Hederman holds engineering degrees from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of Notre Dame, and a professional degree (M.P.P.) from the University of California at Berkeley.

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is a senior fellow at the Kleinman Center for Energy Policy.

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is a senior fellow at the Kleinman Center for Energy Policy.

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The first time I heard this term, I thought the person was saying "U.S. crude." The discussion, however, was related to the Quadrennial Energy Review and the topic was moving energy around the United States. A water transportation expert was explaining the implications of the Jones Act for a major disruption of energy supplies to or within the United States. The Jones Act requires that shipments between U.S. ports must be carried out by ships built in America, owned by Americans, and operated by Americans (hence, "U.S. crewed").  It was a response to the success of German U-boats in World War I.

The merits of this nearly century-old protectionist law—the Merchant Marine Act of 1920, also know as the Jones Act—are debatable. The typical costs are marginally more expensive water transport costs. When a crisis happens, however, it can hinder recovery because there are not enough U.S. Jones Act ships to handle the kind of surge requirements that occur after an emergency like the one Puerto Rico is facing today.

This measure has, on occasion, affected deliveries of propane, LNG, and other energy supplies between U.S. ports. It has also increased the cost of energy in Hawaii and Alaska for a long time. The Jones Act was even applicable to options for getting crude oil and natural gas out of Prudhoe Bay on Alaska's North Slope. When Congress prohibited the export of these energy supplies to other nations, even our allies, they were also sentencing Alaska to shipping via Jones Act vessels to U.S. ports. These higher costs caused significantly lower netback values for the oil in Alaska. This not only hurt the big oil companies that owned the production. It also hurt the state and citizens of Alaska, who participated in the value via significant royalty payments.

The President deserves credit for temporarily suspending this regulation for Puerto Rico. Prior suspensions have been rare. The pressures to always honor this act are intense, especially given the weak state of U.S. shipbuilding.

The debate about the merits of the Jones Act can remain for another day. Today, enhancing the response to Puerto Rico's emergency makes sense. If suspension will get critical supplies to those in need faster than otherwise, then let's go for it.

[summary] => [format] => full_html [safe_value] =>

The first time I heard this term, I thought the person was saying "U.S. crude." The discussion, however, was related to the Quadrennial Energy Review and the topic was moving energy around the United States. A water transportation expert was explaining the implications of the Jones Act for a major disruption of energy supplies to or within the United States. The Jones Act requires that shipments between U.S. ports must be carried out by ships built in America, owned by Americans, and operated by Americans (hence, "U.S. crewed").  It was a response to the success of German U-boats in World War I.

The merits of this nearly century-old protectionist law—the Merchant Marine Act of 1920, also know as the Jones Act—are debatable. The typical costs are marginally more expensive water transport costs. When a crisis happens, however, it can hinder recovery because there are not enough U.S. Jones Act ships to handle the kind of surge requirements that occur after an emergency like the one Puerto Rico is facing today.

This measure has, on occasion, affected deliveries of propane, LNG, and other energy supplies between U.S. ports. It has also increased the cost of energy in Hawaii and Alaska for a long time. The Jones Act was even applicable to options for getting crude oil and natural gas out of Prudhoe Bay on Alaska's North Slope. When Congress prohibited the export of these energy supplies to other nations, even our allies, they were also sentencing Alaska to shipping via Jones Act vessels to U.S. ports. These higher costs caused significantly lower netback values for the oil in Alaska. This not only hurt the big oil companies that owned the production. It also hurt the state and citizens of Alaska, who participated in the value via significant royalty payments.

The President deserves credit for temporarily suspending this regulation for Puerto Rico. Prior suspensions have been rare. The pressures to always honor this act are intense, especially given the weak state of U.S. shipbuilding.

The debate about the merits of the Jones Act can remain for another day. Today, enhancing the response to Puerto Rico's emergency makes sense. If suspension will get critical supplies to those in need faster than otherwise, then let's go for it.

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William Hederman is an independent senior advisor at Deloitte and Touche. He most recently served as senior advisor to U.S. Secretary of Energy Ernest Moniz, providing leadership on Department of Energy (DOE) missions to Ukraine, the Baltics, and Germany. In this position, he was also the chief architect for the analytic framework developed for DOE's groundbreaking Quadrennial Energy Review. 

Hederman began his professional career as a systems integration engineer at Bell Labs in the directorate that later developed the cell phone system. He served on the RAND Corporation's research team, worked as the Congressional Budget Office's first energy and science budget analyst, and led the establishment of: the policy analysis department at INGAA (pipeline association), the International Energy Agency's gas technology center, and the Washington office for RJ Rudden Associates (now Black & Veatch). Additionally, he was vice president for Business Development and Strategic Initiatives at Columbia Transmission Companies on the management team that brought Columbia out of bankruptcy. During the Enron and California crises, he joined the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and formed the Office of Market Oversight and Investigations, which has been credited with playing a major role in the restoration of confidence in electricity and natural gas regulatory oversight.

Hederman holds engineering degrees from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of Notre Dame, and a professional degree (M.P.P.) from the University of California at Berkeley.

[summary] => [format] => full_html [safe_value] =>

William Hederman is an independent senior advisor at Deloitte and Touche. He most recently served as senior advisor to U.S. Secretary of Energy Ernest Moniz, providing leadership on Department of Energy (DOE) missions to Ukraine, the Baltics, and Germany. In this position, he was also the chief architect for the analytic framework developed for DOE's groundbreaking Quadrennial Energy Review. 

Hederman began his professional career as a systems integration engineer at Bell Labs in the directorate that later developed the cell phone system. He served on the RAND Corporation's research team, worked as the Congressional Budget Office's first energy and science budget analyst, and led the establishment of: the policy analysis department at INGAA (pipeline association), the International Energy Agency's gas technology center, and the Washington office for RJ Rudden Associates (now Black & Veatch). Additionally, he was vice president for Business Development and Strategic Initiatives at Columbia Transmission Companies on the management team that brought Columbia out of bankruptcy. During the Enron and California crises, he joined the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and formed the Office of Market Oversight and Investigations, which has been credited with playing a major role in the restoration of confidence in electricity and natural gas regulatory oversight.

Hederman holds engineering degrees from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of Notre Dame, and a professional degree (M.P.P.) from the University of California at Berkeley.

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is a senior fellow at the Kleinman Center for Energy Policy.

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is a senior fellow at the Kleinman Center for Energy Policy.

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The first time I heard this term, I thought the person was saying "U.S. crude." The discussion, however, was related to the Quadrennial Energy Review and the topic was moving energy around the United States. A water transportation expert was explaining the implications of the Jones Act for a major disruption of energy supplies to or within the United States. The Jones Act requires that shipments between U.S. ports must be carried out by ships built in America, owned by Americans, and operated by Americans (hence, "U.S. crewed").  It was a response to the success of German U-boats in World War I.

The merits of this nearly century-old protectionist law—the Merchant Marine Act of 1920, also know as the Jones Act—are debatable. The typical costs are marginally more expensive water transport costs. When a crisis happens, however, it can hinder recovery because there are not enough U.S. Jones Act ships to handle the kind of surge requirements that occur after an emergency like the one Puerto Rico is facing today.

This measure has, on occasion, affected deliveries of propane, LNG, and other energy supplies between U.S. ports. It has also increased the cost of energy in Hawaii and Alaska for a long time. The Jones Act was even applicable to options for getting crude oil and natural gas out of Prudhoe Bay on Alaska's North Slope. When Congress prohibited the export of these energy supplies to other nations, even our allies, they were also sentencing Alaska to shipping via Jones Act vessels to U.S. ports. These higher costs caused significantly lower netback values for the oil in Alaska. This not only hurt the big oil companies that owned the production. It also hurt the state and citizens of Alaska, who participated in the value via significant royalty payments.

The President deserves credit for temporarily suspending this regulation for Puerto Rico. Prior suspensions have been rare. The pressures to always honor this act are intense, especially given the weak state of U.S. shipbuilding.

The debate about the merits of the Jones Act can remain for another day. Today, enhancing the response to Puerto Rico's emergency makes sense. If suspension will get critical supplies to those in need faster than otherwise, then let's go for it.

[summary] => [format] => full_html [safe_value] =>

The first time I heard this term, I thought the person was saying "U.S. crude." The discussion, however, was related to the Quadrennial Energy Review and the topic was moving energy around the United States. A water transportation expert was explaining the implications of the Jones Act for a major disruption of energy supplies to or within the United States. The Jones Act requires that shipments between U.S. ports must be carried out by ships built in America, owned by Americans, and operated by Americans (hence, "U.S. crewed").  It was a response to the success of German U-boats in World War I.

The merits of this nearly century-old protectionist law—the Merchant Marine Act of 1920, also know as the Jones Act—are debatable. The typical costs are marginally more expensive water transport costs. When a crisis happens, however, it can hinder recovery because there are not enough U.S. Jones Act ships to handle the kind of surge requirements that occur after an emergency like the one Puerto Rico is facing today.

This measure has, on occasion, affected deliveries of propane, LNG, and other energy supplies between U.S. ports. It has also increased the cost of energy in Hawaii and Alaska for a long time. The Jones Act was even applicable to options for getting crude oil and natural gas out of Prudhoe Bay on Alaska's North Slope. When Congress prohibited the export of these energy supplies to other nations, even our allies, they were also sentencing Alaska to shipping via Jones Act vessels to U.S. ports. These higher costs caused significantly lower netback values for the oil in Alaska. This not only hurt the big oil companies that owned the production. It also hurt the state and citizens of Alaska, who participated in the value via significant royalty payments.

The President deserves credit for temporarily suspending this regulation for Puerto Rico. Prior suspensions have been rare. The pressures to always honor this act are intense, especially given the weak state of U.S. shipbuilding.

The debate about the merits of the Jones Act can remain for another day. Today, enhancing the response to Puerto Rico's emergency makes sense. If suspension will get critical supplies to those in need faster than otherwise, then let's go for it.

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William Hederman is an independent senior advisor at Deloitte and Touche. He most recently served as senior advisor to U.S. Secretary of Energy Ernest Moniz, providing leadership on Department of Energy (DOE) missions to Ukraine, the Baltics, and Germany. In this position, he was also the chief architect for the analytic framework developed for DOE's groundbreaking Quadrennial Energy Review. 

Hederman began his professional career as a systems integration engineer at Bell Labs in the directorate that later developed the cell phone system. He served on the RAND Corporation's research team, worked as the Congressional Budget Office's first energy and science budget analyst, and led the establishment of: the policy analysis department at INGAA (pipeline association), the International Energy Agency's gas technology center, and the Washington office for RJ Rudden Associates (now Black & Veatch). Additionally, he was vice president for Business Development and Strategic Initiatives at Columbia Transmission Companies on the management team that brought Columbia out of bankruptcy. During the Enron and California crises, he joined the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and formed the Office of Market Oversight and Investigations, which has been credited with playing a major role in the restoration of confidence in electricity and natural gas regulatory oversight.

Hederman holds engineering degrees from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of Notre Dame, and a professional degree (M.P.P.) from the University of California at Berkeley.

[summary] => [format] => full_html [safe_value] =>

William Hederman is an independent senior advisor at Deloitte and Touche. He most recently served as senior advisor to U.S. Secretary of Energy Ernest Moniz, providing leadership on Department of Energy (DOE) missions to Ukraine, the Baltics, and Germany. In this position, he was also the chief architect for the analytic framework developed for DOE's groundbreaking Quadrennial Energy Review. 

Hederman began his professional career as a systems integration engineer at Bell Labs in the directorate that later developed the cell phone system. He served on the RAND Corporation's research team, worked as the Congressional Budget Office's first energy and science budget analyst, and led the establishment of: the policy analysis department at INGAA (pipeline association), the International Energy Agency's gas technology center, and the Washington office for RJ Rudden Associates (now Black & Veatch). Additionally, he was vice president for Business Development and Strategic Initiatives at Columbia Transmission Companies on the management team that brought Columbia out of bankruptcy. During the Enron and California crises, he joined the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and formed the Office of Market Oversight and Investigations, which has been credited with playing a major role in the restoration of confidence in electricity and natural gas regulatory oversight.

Hederman holds engineering degrees from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of Notre Dame, and a professional degree (M.P.P.) from the University of California at Berkeley.

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is a senior fellow at the Kleinman Center for Energy Policy.

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is a senior fellow at the Kleinman Center for Energy Policy.

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The first time I heard this term, I thought the person was saying "U.S. crude." The discussion, however, was related to the Quadrennial Energy Review and the topic was moving energy around the United States. A water transportation expert was explaining the implications of the Jones Act for a major disruption of energy supplies to or within the United States. The Jones Act requires that shipments between U.S. ports must be carried out by ships built in America, owned by Americans, and operated by Americans (hence, "U.S. crewed").  It was a response to the success of German U-boats in World War I.

The merits of this nearly century-old protectionist law—the Merchant Marine Act of 1920, also know as the Jones Act—are debatable. The typical costs are marginally more expensive water transport costs. When a crisis happens, however, it can hinder recovery because there are not enough U.S. Jones Act ships to handle the kind of surge requirements that occur after an emergency like the one Puerto Rico is facing today.

This measure has, on occasion, affected deliveries of propane, LNG, and other energy supplies between U.S. ports. It has also increased the cost of energy in Hawaii and Alaska for a long time. The Jones Act was even applicable to options for getting crude oil and natural gas out of Prudhoe Bay on Alaska's North Slope. When Congress prohibited the export of these energy supplies to other nations, even our allies, they were also sentencing Alaska to shipping via Jones Act vessels to U.S. ports. These higher costs caused significantly lower netback values for the oil in Alaska. This not only hurt the big oil companies that owned the production. It also hurt the state and citizens of Alaska, who participated in the value via significant royalty payments.

The President deserves credit for temporarily suspending this regulation for Puerto Rico. Prior suspensions have been rare. The pressures to always honor this act are intense, especially given the weak state of U.S. shipbuilding.

The debate about the merits of the Jones Act can remain for another day. Today, enhancing the response to Puerto Rico's emergency makes sense. If suspension will get critical supplies to those in need faster than otherwise, then let's go for it.

[summary] => [format] => full_html [safe_value] =>

The first time I heard this term, I thought the person was saying "U.S. crude." The discussion, however, was related to the Quadrennial Energy Review and the topic was moving energy around the United States. A water transportation expert was explaining the implications of the Jones Act for a major disruption of energy supplies to or within the United States. The Jones Act requires that shipments between U.S. ports must be carried out by ships built in America, owned by Americans, and operated by Americans (hence, "U.S. crewed").  It was a response to the success of German U-boats in World War I.

The merits of this nearly century-old protectionist law—the Merchant Marine Act of 1920, also know as the Jones Act—are debatable. The typical costs are marginally more expensive water transport costs. When a crisis happens, however, it can hinder recovery because there are not enough U.S. Jones Act ships to handle the kind of surge requirements that occur after an emergency like the one Puerto Rico is facing today.

This measure has, on occasion, affected deliveries of propane, LNG, and other energy supplies between U.S. ports. It has also increased the cost of energy in Hawaii and Alaska for a long time. The Jones Act was even applicable to options for getting crude oil and natural gas out of Prudhoe Bay on Alaska's North Slope. When Congress prohibited the export of these energy supplies to other nations, even our allies, they were also sentencing Alaska to shipping via Jones Act vessels to U.S. ports. These higher costs caused significantly lower netback values for the oil in Alaska. This not only hurt the big oil companies that owned the production. It also hurt the state and citizens of Alaska, who participated in the value via significant royalty payments.

The President deserves credit for temporarily suspending this regulation for Puerto Rico. Prior suspensions have been rare. The pressures to always honor this act are intense, especially given the weak state of U.S. shipbuilding.

The debate about the merits of the Jones Act can remain for another day. Today, enhancing the response to Puerto Rico's emergency makes sense. If suspension will get critical supplies to those in need faster than otherwise, then let's go for it.

[safe_summary] => ) ) [#formatter] => text_default [0] => Array ( [#markup] =>

The first time I heard this term, I thought the person was saying "U.S. crude." The discussion, however, was related to the Quadrennial Energy Review and the topic was moving energy around the United States. A water transportation expert was explaining the implications of the Jones Act for a major disruption of energy supplies to or within the United States. The Jones Act requires that shipments between U.S. ports must be carried out by ships built in America, owned by Americans, and operated by Americans (hence, "U.S. crewed").  It was a response to the success of German U-boats in World War I.

The merits of this nearly century-old protectionist law—the Merchant Marine Act of 1920, also know as the Jones Act—are debatable. The typical costs are marginally more expensive water transport costs. When a crisis happens, however, it can hinder recovery because there are not enough U.S. Jones Act ships to handle the kind of surge requirements that occur after an emergency like the one Puerto Rico is facing today.

This measure has, on occasion, affected deliveries of propane, LNG, and other energy supplies between U.S. ports. It has also increased the cost of energy in Hawaii and Alaska for a long time. The Jones Act was even applicable to options for getting crude oil and natural gas out of Prudhoe Bay on Alaska's North Slope. When Congress prohibited the export of these energy supplies to other nations, even our allies, they were also sentencing Alaska to shipping via Jones Act vessels to U.S. ports. These higher costs caused significantly lower netback values for the oil in Alaska. This not only hurt the big oil companies that owned the production. It also hurt the state and citizens of Alaska, who participated in the value via significant royalty payments.

The President deserves credit for temporarily suspending this regulation for Puerto Rico. Prior suspensions have been rare. The pressures to always honor this act are intense, especially given the weak state of U.S. shipbuilding.

The debate about the merits of the Jones Act can remain for another day. Today, enhancing the response to Puerto Rico's emergency makes sense. If suspension will get critical supplies to those in need faster than otherwise, then let's go for it.

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October 2, 2017

The first time I heard this term, I thought the person was saying "U.S. crude." The discussion, however, was related to the Quadrennial Energy Review and the topic was moving energy around the United States. A water transportation expert was explaining the implications of the Jones Act for a major disruption of energy supplies to or within the United States. The Jones Act requires that shipments between U.S. ports must be carried out by ships built in America, owned by Americans, and operated by Americans (hence, "U.S. crewed").  It was a response to the success of German U-boats in World War I.

The merits of this nearly century-old protectionist law—the Merchant Marine Act of 1920, also know as the Jones Act—are debatable. The typical costs are marginally more expensive water transport costs. When a crisis happens, however, it can hinder recovery because there are not enough U.S. Jones Act ships to handle the kind of surge requirements that occur after an emergency like the one Puerto Rico is facing today.

This measure has, on occasion, affected deliveries of propane, LNG, and other energy supplies between U.S. ports. It has also increased the cost of energy in Hawaii and Alaska for a long time. The Jones Act was even applicable to options for getting crude oil and natural gas out of Prudhoe Bay on Alaska's North Slope. When Congress prohibited the export of these energy supplies to other nations, even our allies, they were also sentencing Alaska to shipping via Jones Act vessels to U.S. ports. These higher costs caused significantly lower netback values for the oil in Alaska. This not only hurt the big oil companies that owned the production. It also hurt the state and citizens of Alaska, who participated in the value via significant royalty payments.

The President deserves credit for temporarily suspending this regulation for Puerto Rico. Prior suspensions have been rare. The pressures to always honor this act are intense, especially given the weak state of U.S. shipbuilding.

The debate about the merits of the Jones Act can remain for another day. Today, enhancing the response to Puerto Rico's emergency makes sense. If suspension will get critical supplies to those in need faster than otherwise, then let's go for it.

Our blog highlights the research, opinions, and insights of individual authors. It does not represent the voice of the Kleinman Center.